War News Updates: Remembering 'Kristallnacht 80 Years Later: DW: German politicians remember Nazi Kristallnacht pogrom Germany is marking the 80th anniversary of attacks on Jews that foreshadowed ...
…or, Watch out a London Brotherhood proto-OMG is coming
through.
Heller has written a comprehensive study of Lehi (aka the
Stern Gang), Israel's
most militant underground movement in the period 1941-48. He focuses on the
ideology of the movement and explains that Lehi split from the broader Etzel
(IZL) movement because it felt Etzel was not engaged in real terror and Lehi
ideologically disagreed with Etzel on the main enemy (Etzel targetted the
British only in Palestine, Lehi took on the whole British Empire). Also, Ze'ev
Jabotinsky, the founder of Revisionist Zionism, believed in a formal military
Jewish organization, not underground activities. Lehi saw Jabotinsky as a an
old reactionary.
Like any other radical nationalist movement, Lehi's outlook
was influenced by a variety of extreme nationalist orientations. It rejected
not only diaspora Jewry but also Zionism, espousing instead ideas borrowed from
the Canaanite movement calling for the creation of a new Israeli movement
without the diaspora. Israel Eldad, the chief Lehi ideologist, even believed in
the restoration of the Jewish monarchy and in the glory of Jewish history,
hardly a Hebraic-Canaanite ideological occupation.
While an excellent, well-researched, and probably
unsurpassed study, Heller over-intellectualizes a revolutionary terrorist
movement. Given that Lehi was less an ideological forum than a terrorist
organization, Heller's extensive and highly commendable research should have
been directed less to Lehi's ideas and more to its terrorist activities. Lehi
contributed to the ouster of the British in Palestine but it played a very minor role in
the development of radical nationalist ideology. Further, when Lehi's leading
terrorist, Yitzhak Shamir, many years later became prime minister of Israel, he ignored the presumed ideology of Lehi
and instead adopted Jabotinsky's doctrine of a "complete Eretz Israel."
What was most remarkable about Yitzhak Shamir's life was how
little his thinking changed from his youthful days as a member of Betar
(1929-33), the Zionist brown shirt organization in Poland, where he was born
Yitzhak Yezernitzky, to his last days in Israel at age 96.
As a Betari youth he was greatly influenced by its founder,
Vladimir Jabotinsky, the founder also of "Gun Zionism" or, more
euphemistically, "Revisionist
Zionism."
Jabotinsky's vision, the same as
Zionism founder Theodor Herzl's, was "a Jewish
majority in a Jewish state in the whole of the biblical
Land of Israel."
Jabotinsky, however, realized that this had to be accomplished by force, just
as European countries established their colonies by force. "This made
sense to me," Shamir wrote commenting on Jabotinsky's ideas.
In 1939—four years after he migrated to British Mandate
Palestine—Shamir met the chauvinist Avraham Stern, head of the terrorist Stern
Gang. According to Stern, "Rights were awarded only to the strong, who are
allowed to take them by force if they are not given to them legally."
The group declared England as the enemy and made
advances to Nazi Germany for an alliance. "The establishment of the
historic Jewish state on a national and totalitarian basis, bound by a treaty
with the German Reich" was part of the proposal a Stern representative
made in 1941 to the German minister to Beirut.
Shamir omitted this episode in his autobiography.
The racism of the group was strong. One member, Uri
Greenberg, referred to the Arabs as "the filthiest people in the
East." Such comments were common in the gang. Considering the Arabs, even
all non-Jews, as equals was not in their thinking.
Shamir therefore had no trouble in approving the
assassination in 1944 of Lord Moyne (Churchill's friend). Dr. Amitsur Ilan
claimed Shamir was the "prime mover" behind the assassination.
Shamir also was one of three terrorists who blew up the King David
Hotel in 1946, killing
88. To escape detection, he disguised himself as a rabbi, with a "full
black beard, and long kaftan." He forgot, however, to trim his eyebrows. A street detective
recognized the eyebrows under the black felt rabbi's hat and captured him.
Shamir was then imprisoned, escaping after two years. He murdered his own
colleague, Eliahu Giladi, because of disagreement.
Even more memorable were Shamir's involvements in the attack
on the small village
of Deir Yassin and the
murder of Swedish U.N. mediator Count Folke Bernadotte, both in 1948. The Deir
Yassin attack occurred five weeks before a single Arab army became a
belligerent. The high number of elderly, women and children killed indicated
racist wantonness. Among the 280-some dead were 30 infants. "I saw cut off
genitalia and women's crushed stomachs," reported investigator Zvi Ankori.
There were no wounded.
Even though Bernadotte had saved an estimated 30,000 Jews
from the gas chambers during World War II, his "crime" was his effort
to have Transjordan excluded from Zionist
claims. For this he was assassinated.
Such deeds brought world attention to Shamir and his gang.
Besides these headliners, Shamir estimated that his group carried out about 300
other "actions," with himself as participant in 41 of them.
After the war Shamir was at a loss. What to do? He learned
that Israel's
secret service Mossad needed men with "special abilities acquired by such
formerly 'wanted' men as myself," he wrote. "It changed my
life." Explained Shamir: "I felt at home very soon: I had returned to
an atmosphere, behavior, incentives and points of view that were in many ways,
familiar to me." Now all his former activities were done with
establishment approval.
As head of Mossad Shamir not only protected Israeli
citizens, but also "Jews abroad." He not only vowed to make
"unforgettable object lessons in the reality and reach of the Jewish
state," but claimed a right to interfere in the internal affairs in every
other nation state in the world. It seems preposterous. But it is a reality
even today. Witness the recent assassinations of law-abiding Iranian
scientists—deemed, without trial, of course, to be enemies of Israel.
Israeli historian Benny Morris wrote that as Mossad head
Shamir ran mostly "ad hoc operations, usually involving
assassinations." This was the secretive kind of life Shamir loved. I was
"a naturally un-talkative man," he wrote. "I preferred to work
behind the scenes."
According to Israel Shahak, the late noted Israeli humanist,
under Shamir's premiership (1983-84 and 1986-92) Israel was "governed like a
dictatorship." "Everything happens as he says," Shahak observed.
Shamir was not interested in the budget or the poor. He focused almost
exclusively on the military and on foreign affairs, and particularly on Washington, DC.
Colonizing Palestinian lands—the chief cause of the
"Arab-Israeli conflict"—was, according to Shamir, "sacred work;
it cannot stop; it is the heart of our existence and life." Giving the
Palestinians anything was unacceptable. Talking peace was wasting time.
Accordingly, Shamir turned down George Shultz's peace plan
of 1988 and James Baker's the following year. During congressional testimony
Baker sarcastically told Shamir: "Take this number: (202) 456- 1414. When
you're serious about peace, call us."
The boon in Shamir's life was Ronald Reagan. The two
established the "joint military political group," which entwined the U.S. and Israeli
military establishments to such an extent that our own sovereignty was, and
still is, compromised.
For him Reagan lifted the ban on cluster weapons, which Israel used
against the Lebanese. Shamir also got an agreement on duty—free trade—plus $1.7
billion in military aid and $900 million in economic aid.
In addition, wrote Reagan biographer Richard Reeves,
"Reagan and Shamir concluded one agreement after another—most secret, some
unwritten." Shamir got so much that his friends back in Israel asked,
"Well, where's the kitchen sink?"
Not surprisingly Shamir continued his racist attitude toward
Palestinians into his premiership. At the beginning of the first intifada
(uprising) in 1987 he called the Palestinians "grasshoppers." When
asked about it, he repeated it on television, "Yes, grasshoppers; you need
to stomp on 'em every once in a while."
After retiring in 1992 he enjoyed the status of adviser and
elder statesman. Of subsequent leaders, he said, "I had encouraged and
groomed almost all of them." He mentioned future Prime Ministers Ehud
Olmert and Binyamin Netanyahu in particular.
Indeed, judging by Israel's current practices and the
growing popularity of "transfer," Yitzhak Shamir not only trained
subsequent leaders but converted Avraham Stern's minority views of the 1940s,
including the racist ones, into the views of a majority of Israelis today.
On the Jewish holiday of Shavuot, June 1-2, 1941 (5701 on
the Hebrew calendar), the Muslim residents of Baghdad carried out a savage pogrom against
their Jewish neighbors. In this pogrom, known by its Arabic name al-Farhoud,
about 200 Jews were murdered and thousands wounded. Jewish property was
plundered and many homes set ablaze.
Within a week, the British ousted the pro-Nazi government of
General Rashid Ali, which had seized power in a coup d’état two months earlier,
and restored the legal Iraqi government. That government appointed a commission
of inquiry into the pogrom, which determined that the Nazi propaganda
of Radio Berlin had
been one of the massacre’s foremost instigators.
The commission’s report also identified the main individuals
who had impelled the assault. It pointed to the extensive activity of Dr. Fritz
Grobba, the German ambassador to Baghdad, and to
the activity of the former mufti of Jerusalem,
Hajj Amin Husseini, who had fled to Iraq
from Mandatory Palestine in October 1939 (after a short spell in Beirut) and begun
inciting against the Iraqi Jews. The mufti had also worked with Iraqi
subversive elements, including Rashid Ali, to overthrow Iraq’s ruling
Hashemite monarchy and install a pro-Nazi regime.
In an attempt to win Arab and Muslim hearts and minds, the
first Arab-language Nazi radio station was launched in Berlin prior to the outbreak of the Second
World War, broadcasting anti-British, anti-American, anti-Soviet, and
particularly anti-Semitic propaganda. It thus helped spread radical
anti-Semitism in the Middle East, where it
found common ground with the anti-Jewish tendencies in Islam.
The messages in the propaganda broadcasts were designed to
achieve certain goals, such as winning the Arab population’s sympathy for the
Nazis and the Führer; inciting against the British and French presence in the
Middle East; stoking Arab national sentiments; and, last but not least, wildly
inciting against the Jews, who were accused inter alia of stealing
the Arabs’ money and being behind all the Arab world’s woes.
This propaganda mill employed many teams of both civilian
and military personnel, including writers, translators, academics, and Middle East experts. Among others, the broadcasts
featured Arab immigrants and leaders. The mythic broadcaster and director of
the Arabic station was the journalist Yunus Bahri, who reached Berlin after fleeing his native Iraq, where he
had been sentenced to death for pro-Nazi activity. He was recruited by Grobba
and opened his broadcasts with his famous line, “The Arab Lord Haw-Haw, this is
Berlin,
greetings to the Arabs.”
Known for his virulent anti-Semitism, Bahri stated proudly
in a memoir he wrote after the war, “I was the first Arab to collaborate with
the Nazis.” His hatred towards Jews was so intense that he was summoned for a
reprimand in Propaganda Minister Goebbels’s office because of his excessively
vitriolic attacks on Jews and especially his constant use of the term “Jewish
criminals.”
Four days before the Farhoud, Bahri stated on Radio Berlin:
"Judaism, which is compounded of Zionism and
Freemasonry, has created a fortress in England behind which it carries out
its crimes. The Arabs fought the Jews and expelled them from the Arabian Peninsula 1,400 years ago. The Prophet Muhammad
was the first to expel them. In our time, the Arabs witness what the Jews have
done under English sponsorship.
"The Jews have declared that they want to establish a
national home in Palestine
which is an inseparable part of the Arab homeland. The Arabs of Iraq now see
what the Jews of Basra are capable of doing under English directives. The Arabs
take note of the declarations of the English statesmen, particularly the latest
two by Churchill and Smuts. Smuts said that he and England owe thanks to the Jews for
their help in the war.
"These words have hardened the Jews’ determination to
fight the Arabs, in the certainty that after the war they would be allowed to
establish the Hebrew state…. The Jews are an abomination everywhere. And recall
the verse in the Koran: 'The greatest enemies of humanity are those who trust
the Jews.'”
In broadcasts after the pogrom, Bahri justified the massacre
and accused the Iraqi Jews of obtaining and disseminating propaganda material
from the British embassy in Baghdad.
He also charged them with providing the British embassy with military
information about the Iraqi army. With such malicious fabrications he lent
legitimacy to the Farhoud massacre.
Bahri was too self-laudatory about being the first Arab to
collaborate with the Nazis. The Mufti had beaten him to it long before. Within
weeks of Hitler’s rise to power, he rushed to the German consul in Jerusalem to assure him that “the Muslims in Palestine and elsewhere were enthusiastic about the new
regime in Germany
and looked forward to the spread of fascism throughout the region.”
Hajj Amin had been deeply implicated in the widespread
massacre of Jews in Mandatory Palestine – from the April 1920 Jerusalem pogrom,
for which he was sentenced to 10 years in prison by a British military court
but managed to flee the country, to the 1929 riots in which 133 Jews were
murdered and hundreds injured, to the 1936-39 “revolt” in which hundreds of
Jews were murdered.
Against this backdrop, it was only natural for him to play a
central role in the Farhoud, both in inciting the local Iraqi population
against their Jewish compatriots and through his close involvement with the
Rashid Ali regime.
It comes as no surprise, then, that in his memoirs the mufti
blamed the Iraqi Jews for the failure of the pro-Nazi “revolution” (which in
turn forced him to flee to Tehran, whence he came to Berlin where he spent the
rest of the war years), thus implicitly justifying the Farhoud.
As he wrote:"The fifth column played a large role in
the failure that the movement [the Rashid Ali regime] suffered in Iraq. This
column consisted of different elements, of which the main one was Iraqi Jewry….
During the war, Jews who were employed in the telephone service would record
the important and official conversations on reels and pass them to the British
embassy in Baghdad.
The Jews in the postal and telegraphic authority did the same. They hurriedly
sent the embassy the telegrams and letters that reached them."
Regrettably, seventy-six years after the Farhoud, it appears
that the mufti’s heirs to the Palestinian leadership have learned nothing and
forgotten nothing. When Mahmoud Abbas stood beside President Trump on the White
House lawn and declared to one and all that the Palestinians educate their
children for peaceful coexistence with Israel, not a muscle twitched in
his face.
In fact, during its 20-year-long control of the Palestinian
population of the 'West Bank' and Gaza as part of the Oslo “peace” process,
Abbas’s Palestinian Authority, not to mention Hamas, has subjected its subjects
to a relentless hate campaign of racial and political incitement unparalleled
in scope and intensity since Nazi Germany. That campaign not only delegitimizes
the idea of Jewish statehood but also propagates the murder of Jews simply for
being Jews.
And if history teaches us anything, it is that the
translation of such words into action is all too easy.
Meanwhile poised over the ME since January 1941 was a Wall
Street created talmudicstormtroopereinsatzgruppen.
Oh I wonder who got wind of all that, paid for by UK&
Empire and USofA tax payers, ironmongery coming through?
(Wikipedia source)
Order of Battle, Invasion of Iran, 1941[
edit]
Here is the Soviet OOB for the
25th of August 1941:
[2]
44th Army (Major General A.A. Khadeyev)
20th Mountain Rifle Division
77th Mountain Rifle Division
17th Cavalry Division
24th Tank Regiment
63rd Mountain Rifle Division
236th Rifle Division
6th Tank Division
54th Tank Division
13th Motorcycle Regiment
58th Rifle Corps
BWAHAHAHAHAHAAAAA
